Democracy in Nigeria Essay

By whitethorn 2009, Nigerias nascent commonwealth should study been a decade. Thus, the thrust of this paper is an in depth epitome of the possibility of retaining popular value beyond both(prenominal) sudden reversal. The. paper however, takes a cursory encounter at the daunting ch everyenges ahead and infers that un slight the indemnity-making science increases hearty expenditure and truncate the current brazen corruption, the take to of democratic consolidation whitethorn eventu all(prenominal)y be a mirage.Key words majority loom, nascent, corruption, ground legality and orderAs rightly collated by Decalo1, the events in Africa in additionk scholars by surprise, since well-nigh doubted Africa could move to rural atomic number 18a of wards region. Even in the mid-1980s, virtuoso argued that by reason of their p overty or the violence of their government, Afri sess submits were un likely to move in a democratic direction. A nonher adding that to circumscri be ab off evaluate democracy to flourish would have been historical blindness3, since outside the core (industrialized call downs) democracy is a rarity, crack for Tillys thesis why Europe impart not occur again with a a a couple of(prenominal)(prenominal) exceptions, the limits of democratic development in the world whitethorn well have been reached4. However, despite the doubts and skepticisms openly verbalized by scholars, Nigeria, like several(prenominal) other Afri rat countries, became democratic. On May 29, 1999 Nigeria became a democratic state. preceding to 1999 policy-making diversity, Nigeria was under firm forces autarchy and absolutism for close to 29 old age (since 1966), when the war machine made their commencement exercise incursion into Nigerias government and politics, following the collapse of the first re ordinary5. It is vital to communication channel that imperious governments were interrupted only by a brief period of civilian rule in the Se cond Republic (1979-1983)6. Thus, Nigerias march to entire democracy was a chequered iodin attach by anti-colonial struggles, crises, coups, counter-coups, and a thirty-month agonizing civil war in the midst of 1967 and 1970.So far, Nigeria has passed with several phases in her democratisation bid viz (a) era of colonial autarky and absolutism, that is, period of formal colonialism till October 1st 1960, when the dry impose gained flag independence (b) emergence of constitutional democracy (1960-1966), (c) the return of military autocracy and absolutism (1966-1979) (d) restitution of constitutional democracy (1979-1983) and (e) the second coming of military autocracy and absolutism (1983-1989) . 7 Since 1989, that Nwabueze made that observation, the edict has added a good deal phases to her democratization bid.With the inglorious stepping aside of popular Ibrahim Babangidas administration in 1993, an Interim national administration (ING) was put in place, headed by drumhead Ernest Sh peerlesskan, handpicked by an unelected military hot seat ( ordinary Babangida), at that placeby devising the ING suffer a serious legitimacy crisis ab initio6. The interim contraption collapsed after eighty-two days, following the declaration that it was illegal by a Lagos noble Court in a suit instituted by the assumed winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election promontory M.K. 0. Abiola. Cashing-in on the court verdict, General Sani Abacha staged a coup detat, dissolved all the existing democratic structures retained by the ING, and once again, returned the republic to a fiilJ blown military totalism. It was in this state of confusion that Gen. Abacha died in June 8, 1998 in a undercover circumstance. Gen. Abdulsalam Abubakar, who took over after the demise of Gen. Abacha, who had a transition programme reputed to be the shortest in the annals of military-midwife political transitions in Nigeria.Eventually, barring all odds, Gen. Abubakar pa ss over the reins of government to hirer Olusegun Obasanjo (a retired general) in 1999. With the inauguration of Chief Obasanjos civilian administration in 1999, hopes were high gear once again that democracy would be uphold and consolidated. But alas, the military background of Chief Obasanjo became a serious liability on the system when the purportedly democratic government became a replica of dictatorship in its entire facet.By 2003, after the cessation of his first term, his administration conducted a general election, and handed over to itself. This election was generally perceived to have been massively rigged. 9 In 2007, at the vent of his administrations constitutionally mandated second term, some other(prenominal) general election was conducted to usher in another civil government. This election was remarkable in a sum up of ways. First, it was after eight tumultuous years of democracy the longest period since independence from the united Kingdom in I960. 0 Second ly, for the first age in the history of the boorish, there was a civilian-civilian assign of reason.It would have been even more remarkable if there had been a transfer of force-out from the ruling ships company to the opposition. Meanwhile, the thrust of this paper is an indepth analysis of the major challenges liner the nascent democracy in Nigeria to prevent it from the threats of authoritarian repression or what David Beetham calls reverse waves. 2 It is to these anti-democratic forces that could lead to democratic reverse which had taken place in Mauritania late via a military coup detat that we outright turn to. (A) As I have argued elsewhere13, three-figure cross-national research on the sparing epitopes of democracy and democratization generally consistently reveals that a countrys level of scotch development is associated positively and billet seriousy with the extent to which the political systems intelligible properties of democracy.There is, therefore, a two-way causal traffichip betwixt the scrimping and sustainable democracy the state of the economy is the determinant of enduring democracy, exclusively democracy is a key out pre-requisite for sustainable economic transformation. The message is oroad-based economic prosperity sustains democracy, whereas coarsespread scantiness and ignorance undermine it. To mimic President Clinton of U. S. when he was running for office in 1992, it is the economy, full stop 14 No doubt. Nigeria is potentially Africas capaciousst economy.E very year, the country produces over 200,000 graduates of tertiary institutions (including 65 universities), has the 6th largest gas reserves in the world, eighth largest oil producer (with abundant, but more often than not untapped natural resources gold, limestone, among others), and with 60 percent of its arable land lying fallqw. In the words of Soludo (2005), Nigeria has also billions of its citizens in Diaspora (with estimated 100,000 Nigerian m edical doctors and scientists abroad). Unfortunately, was not lucky in the first 40 years of its independence with sustained good political governance.In his perceptive public actors line, Charles Soludo, Nigerias Central margin Governor,16 noted set ahead that democracy has not been endured in Nigeria simply because the economic numbers did not add up whereas, democracy and indeed any form of government moldiness deliver tangible economic benefits to the generality of the multitude to be credible and sustainable. In a creative article on What Makes Democracy Endure, Prezeworski frame the empirical evidence that Once a country has a democratic regime its level of economic development has a very strong topic on the probability that democracy testament croak emocracy can be expected to last an just of about 8. 5 years in a country with per capita income under $2,000 33 years in the midst of $2,000-$4,000 and 100 years betwixt $4,000-$6,000 Above $6,000 democracies argo n to live forever.No democratic system has go in a country where per capita income exceeds $6,033. 17 Be that as it may, most African states have few economic potentials of any significance (many literally nothing) that could pull in foreign risk great, which is why entrepreneurs did not smoke into them in the past, irrespective of ideology or level of democracyAnd to rely on local capital to fuel development is to foredoom many to eternal marginality. 18 Taking a cue from the equal line of argument, Akintunde19, while rationalizing the reasons for the demise of democracy in the first republic, postulated that a democracy which is not founded upon a secure economic base is not likely to succeed because it lacks an essential condition of efficiency. It is unable to complete the expectations of its citizens in the common parlance, it cannot deliver goods.So squargon is the economic base that many citizenry have surmised that even communist countries, as they become wealthier, will come to resemble western democracy more and more20. Unfortunately, in Nigeria, as in most of the development countries, due largely to the paltry economic base, the center class is a very small minority of the population. Western democracy is, therefore, not securely founded because it lacks one of the essential ingredients of success an influential middle class.This fact, which is some snips a surprise to African leaders21, was well cognize to Aristotle more than two thousand years ago. gibe to Aristotle, when democracies have no middle class and the poor are greatly superior in number, vex ensues and they are speedily ruined.The nexus between democracy and the metier of the economy reveals that those who are not rich usually confined to mere voting, political career thus become the privilege of those who are wealthy enough to afford the leisure to ordinate to politics in most western countries, until the sexual climax of Trade Union M.Ps. 23Thus, while blaming the politicians, it is worth repetition that, by embarking on western democracy on an inadequate economic base, the Fourth Republic was set on a death course, it was bound to be corrupt. 24 The same scenario is playing itself out in Nigeria presently. No doubt, it is a daunting task in the face of the aforementioned historical evidence to sustain democracy in an economy like Nigeria, where per capita income has been under the $1,000 mark.That, according to Prezeworsk25, poses a serious threat. Considering the nexus between democracy and the economy vis-a-vis the expectation of an modal(a) African, Claude Ake (of blessed memory) averred that The ordinary flock of Africa are support democracy as a second independence. This while they want independence not from the colonial masters, but from indigenous leaders. They want independence from leaders whose misrule has intensified their poverty and exploitation to the point of be life threatening.And they are convinced that they cannot now amaze genuine improvement without securing political empowerment and creation better placed to bring public policy closer to social needs. Nonetheless democracy is creationness cons true and supported in ways that defeat those aspirations and manifest no sensitivity to the social conditions of the ordinary people of Africa. Generally, the political elites who support democratization are those with no access to power and they invariably have no feeling for democratic values. They support democratization largely as a st setgy of powerThe people can (only) choose between oppressors and by the style of choice legitimize what is really their disempowerment. 26 In line with the above postulations, Jerry Gana (a one-time Information Minister) admitted, too, that You know the brainiac of our people.If democracy does not produce clean water, if democracy does not produce good roads, transform agriculture, trim industrial development, sanitise society, give us power supply, democ racy will lose credibility and they may say, na democracy we go chop? 7 The caveat is that where democratic processes do not refund economic returns, a regression to dictatorship cannot be ruled out. This point is clearly stated by Larry Diamond thus Many new democracies in Latin the States, Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa will probably breakdown in the medium to long run unless they can reduce their often appalling levels of poverty, inequality, and social injustice, and through market oriented reforms lay the basis for sustainable growth.When this is juxtaposed with the admittance by the Central Bank in its 2008 firs quarter authorship released to the public29, the economy is in perpetual crisis. The Apex Bank attributed the high rate of inflation in the country to the erratic power supply. According to the report, the inflation rate on a year to year basis was 7. 8 percent, compared to 6. 6 percent and 5. 2 percent preserve in the preceding quarter and the corresponding perio d of 2007. The report noted further that inflation rate on a 12-month roving average basis for the first quarter was 5. 8 percent compared with 5. percent recorded in the preceding quarter.Indeed, nothing can be more soothing to the nations drain power crisis, largely fingered for stunting the economy, transformation it comatose and occasioning a declining industrial sector, whose capacity employ nosedived to a paltry 20 percent by the end of 2006. Epileptic power supply, a very prohibitive business climate and in accord in government policies, have combined to mares nest the countrys industrial sector leash to the closure of multinationals, like Michelin, Panalpina, and other notable firms.The lessen of the textile sector from 170 in the 60s, 70s, and 80s to 10 in the 90s, also evinces the acute nature of the problem. The upstart disclosure by the House of Representatives Committee on Power, which probed the power sector that the country now generates less than a pitiable 1 ,000 megawatts, founders mockery of the countrys vision of becoming one of the 20 largest and most resilient economies by 2020, compared to South Africa, a country of 42 million people, which generates over 42,000 megawatts.Much of Nigerias investment in the power sector has been mat in corruption and enthralled in the luxuria of the political elite for primitive accumulation. 31 The appurtenance effect of poor economy is lingering with the poverty problem. Nigerias poverty conundrum has assumed a frightening dimension. In the words of Dr. Magnus Kpakol, Senior specific Assistant to the President and National Coordinator of National destitution Eradication Program, in a public lecture entitled Poverty Solution The Role of Government in Poverty Eradication declared that The number of poor Nigerians could be, put at an estimated figure of 70 million n 1980, the figure was 28. 1 million. 1985, 46. 3 million 1992, 42. 7 million 1996, 65. 6 million and 1999,70. 0 million, 2004,54. 4 million. 32 He gave the statistical breakdown along the six regional levels to be North-East, 72. 2 percent South-East, 26. 7 percent South-South 31. 5 percent South-West 43. 1 percent north-central 67. 0 percent and North-West, 71. 2 percent. 33 Undoubtedly, something must be wrong somewhere, for a lively official poverty statistics, which revealed that over half of Nigerias 150 million population are poor, is inexplicable going by the abundant human and material resources in the country.The economy was so gloomy that 2007/2008 join Nations ripening Programmes (UNDPs) Human Development Index (HDI) ratings placed Nigeria at 158th position out of 177 countries. 34 No doubt, democracy is endangered in Nigeria more than ever before. Poverty, want, and squalor are anti-democratic forces in the polity. The only exception is Indian democracy, which has long gravel theorists of democracy. Democratic theory holds that poverty, widespread illiteracy, and a deeply hierarchical social structure are godforsaken conditions for the functioning of democracy.But the historical novelty of Indian democracy was noted by Barrington Moore Economically (India) body in the pre-industrial age But as a political specie, it does belong to the modern world. At the time of Nehrus death in 1964, political democracy had existed for seventeen years. If imperfect, the democracy was no more cant Political democracy may dupem un cognise both in an Asian setting and one without an industrial revolution. 36 To avert recapitulation, my earlier subject area glaringly with empirical data proved the low downslide of Nigerias economy over the years with the ally threat to democratic sustenance. 7 Bruce Baker too in his perceptive piece emphasized much the strength of the economy and sustainable democracy.As a corollary to the aforementioned weak economy, the state, in terms of being weak or strong, matters to the study of threats to democracy both from within and without, as well as one of the common modes of failure of democracy and democratization. 39 Perhaps, the greatest manifestation of a weak state vis-avis sustainable democracy is that it cannot successfully administer a true and white credible election which is the kernel of democracy.No doubt, one of the. fundamental problems that post-colonial African states are cladding is that of how to sustain and consolidate democracy through credible elections. 40 In the whole continent of Africa, few states could lay claim to having genuinely conducted free and fair elections as universally perceived. Hence, election administration that will attain governmental legitimacy after canvass has always been a serious concern to electoral scholars. 41 The reason for this is not far-fetched. It is well known that most new states in Africa, Asia, and Latin America are too weak for the assignment.This is why state capacity is one of the major prerequisites for democratic nurturing, sustenance, and consolidation. In th e extant literature on democratization and state capacity generally, phoebe bird elements are crucial to the strength of the state vis (a) monopoly of the coercive power of society, that is, control of agent of coercion (b) the right to improve tax and conglomerate revenue (c) the power of legal enactment, that is, power to make laws (d) sovereignty over territory and society and (e) control of the institutions of the state or state apparatus, i. . bureaucracy. 42 These five elements taken together constitutes the basis of state power and they endow the state with the status of statehood. However, it needs be emphasized that nation states which qualify for the status of statehood may differ in their degree of stateness some are strong states, and others are weak. No doubt, Nigeria falls into the social class of weak or soft states.Like others in her category, Nigeria runs a system, one in which formal rules (laws, formally stated administrative rules and answers, etc. are appl y copiously and in a lax port rather than rigorously and consistently. It is one in which clannish advantage can be gained and private bargains infatuated concerning the enforcement or non-enforcement of the rules as when a businessman bribes a tax official. Besides money, another inducement is phylogenetic relation sentiment while another is the favour of superiors. The eventful effect is that in several cases, individuals may be too powerful than the state in which the rule of law is abused with impunity.Cases of such were too numerous to be mentioned during the last Nigerias general elections in April 2007. 43 In a nutshell, the stronger the state in all ramifications, the better for deepening of democratic values in Nigeria. This can be achieved via the entrenchment of state institutions cum congruent political behaviour by the political elite. Perhaps the most crucial of all imperatives for the consolidation of Nigerias nascent democracy is the restructuring of the askew a nd structurally imbalance federal arrangement.As rightly noted by Emeka Anyaoku, former Secretary General of the Commonwealth At the heart of the several conflicts plaguing the Nigerian state today is the consequence of the failure of the practice of true federalism. The power shift debate that characterized the politics of transition from military to civil rule and which has persisted several months after, rose largely out of the frustration of large segments of the population with the structure of the political system that has leave out significant sections out of the corridors of power for most of the post-independence period. 4 With Nigeria being one of the most complex societies in Africa, federalism was adopted to integrate the plural and separate societies.This is in line with the perception of early generation of students of inter-group relations or plural societies, which considered federalism an effective way of achieving and preserving both integration and stability in deeply divided societies. Whenever events seemed to demand that a compromise is affected between the necessity for unity and cooperation on a wide territorial basis, the temptation is to proffer catch all management formula, such as federalism .. 45 This tendency to see federalism as a magic wand that can channel irreconcilable inter- cultural hostility into conciliation and federal cooperation was subscribed to by Carnell, thus in equatorial area characterized by extreme cultural and ethnic diversity federalism comes as something of a political catholicon. 4 In a nutshell, federalism is considered the most beguile framework for governing multi-ethnic societies.However, recent events in Nigeria clearly demonstrate that the polity is far from being a federation, or alternatively as has been suggested, that Nigeria is not a true or real federation. 47 Since 1954, when the foundation of classical federation for Nigeria was laid,48 the system is withal far from being problem-free. The story is that of both political and governmental instability. 49 Worst still, Nigerias ethnic make-up remains what Furnival calls in the strictest whizz a medley (of people) for they mix but do not combine.